“My Kingdom is Not of This World” – Jesus
These words of Christ echo with renewed urgency today as American evangelicalism grapples with a dangerous conflation of gospel and nation. Theologian Michael Gorman recently shared ten theological affirmations that cut to the heart of this crisis. His theses aren’t merely academic observations, they’re prophetic warnings against a distortion of Christianity that threatens both the integrity of the gospel and the witness of the church.
The Core Deception: Confusing America with God’s Kingdom
Gorman’s opening salvo strikes at the fundamental error underlying Christian nationalism:
Thesis 1: “The United States is not the kingdom of God that was proclaimed and inaugurated by Jesus; in fact, the kingdom of God is not about the United States.”
This isn’t merely a geographical distinction, it’s a theological earthquake. When American Christians begin to view their nation as uniquely blessed or divinely appointed, they’ve already stepped onto dangerous ground. The kingdom Jesus proclaimed transcends all national boundaries and political systems. It operates by different rules, pursues different ends, and employs radically different means.
The Myth of Divine Favoritism
Perhaps no belief is more seductive to American evangelicals than the notion that God has a special relationship with America. Gorman demolishes this comfortable assumption:
Thesis 2: “The God of Scripture is no more interested in the United States than in France or Cuba or Ukraine or South Sudan or Gaza or any other geographical entity. God is not on ‘our’ side. Indeed, the more we claim God is on our side, the less it is true.”
That italicized conclusion should haunt us. The more vehemently we claim divine endorsement for our national projects, the further we drift from the God who shows no partiality. This isn’t just bad theology, it’s idolatry dressed in patriotic clothing.
The Great Mission Drift
One of Gorman’s most penetrating insights concerns how Christian nationalism has fundamentally altered the church’s understanding of its mission:
Thesis 3: “Many apocalyptically oriented Christians used to believe that their mission was to save people so that they would go to heaven when they die (or when Jesus returns). Now, however, many apocalyptically oriented Christians believe that their mission is to save people so that they can participate in the great conservative goal of saving America and western civilization. This is allegedly the new Christian mission.”
Notice the shift: from eternal salvation to temporal political power. This represents nothing less than a complete redefinition of the gospel itself. When “making disciples” becomes code for “making conservatives,” we’ve abandoned the Great Commission for a lesser, earthly agenda.
Thesis 4: “But the mission of the church/of Christians is not to save America or western civilization. The mission of the church is to proclaim and participate in God’s reconciliation of the world to himself in his Son Jesus Christ, and thereby the reconciliation of people to one another. And that means the whole world, because ‘God so loved the world.’”
The contrast couldn’t be starker. The true mission is reconciliation, with God and between peoples, not the preservation of any particular political or cultural system.
When Christianity Becomes Blasphemy
Gorman doesn’t mince words about the spiritual danger of Christian nationalism:
Thesis 5: “In extreme forms, which are rampant right now, misguided spiritual and theological perspectives such as the ones named or implied above lead to a christian Nationalism in which certain elements of the Christian faith are co-opted and radically distorted–sometimes to the point of blasphemy and idolatry. These include such basic realities as the kingdom of God and the mission of the church just noted. They also include a radical misunderstanding of the nature of God the Father, the person and work of Jesus Christ, and the activity of the Holy Spirit. As Paul would say, christian Nationalism preaches a different gospel and a different Jesus.”
The language here is deliberately shocking: blasphemy, idolatry, a different gospel, a different Jesus. These aren’t minor theological disagreements, they’re fundamental departures from orthodox Christianity. When we wrap the cross in the flag, we don’t elevate the flag; we desecrate the cross.
The Seduction of Worldly Power
Perhaps nowhere is the contrast between kingdom values and nationalist ideology clearer than in their respective views of power:
Thesis 6: “This comprehensive misunderstanding of the Christian faith also radically distorts the nature of power by turning the power of the gospel into political and even military power. This understanding of power includes the threat of violence to enemies and may condone its use to achieve those political and pseudo-religious ends. Even when couched in religious language as ‘spiritual warfare,’ this is not the sort of spiritual struggle described in the New Testament.”
The gospel’s power is spiritual, not coercive. It conquers through love, not force. When Christians begin to see political dominance as spiritual victory, they’ve fundamentally misunderstood both the nature of spiritual warfare and the way God’s kingdom advances.
Thesis 7: “The christian Nationalist view that equates conservative politics and military power with the will and power of God is completely at odds with the power of the gospel according to Jesus and the New Testament writers. The Christian church does not want or need the power of the American government or military for its protection, flourishing, or growth.”
This is a direct challenge to the fear-based narrative that Christianity needs political protection to survive. The early church flourished under persecution; the gospel spread without state support. Our faith in political power reveals our lack of faith in God’s power.
The Way of the Cross vs. The Way of Control
Thesis 8: “The power of the Christian message and mission is not one of domination or control, but of service and sacrifice. It is, in other words, cross-shaped, or cruciform, power. To the degree that Christians forget this, they are guilty of participating in the perennial sin of confusing the reign of God with some political purpose, party, or body.”
“Cruciform power”, power shaped like the cross, stands in radical opposition to every form of worldly dominance. It wins by losing, conquers by serving, and triumphs through sacrifice. This isn’t just countercultural; it’s counter-intuitive to every human instinct for self-preservation and control.
Beyond Political Binaries
Gorman carefully avoids the trap of simply swinging the pendulum to the opposite political extreme:
Thesis 9: “These theological points are in no way an endorsement of Democrat or liberal policies and perspectives as the will of God. In fact, many of these points are also implicit critiques of all political parties and all places on the political spectrum. The kingdom of God is not about making America great again, or Republican or conservative. Neither is it about making America Democrat or liberal. The kingdom of God is a worldwide reality whose values and practices challenge every ideology. Its values and practices are not the values and practices of any political entity.”
This is crucial: rejecting Christian nationalism doesn’t mean embracing political progressivism. The kingdom of God transcends and critiques all human political systems. It’s neither red nor blue, it operates on an entirely different spectrum.
The Call to Discernment
Thesis 10: “Christians must learn to discern how the Scriptures call us to an alternative way of being human in the world. This alternative way of life may at times overlap with so-called conservative values and practices, and it may at other times overlap with so-called liberal concerns and practices. When it does either, it should not be because Christians are trying to be conservative or liberal, or Republican or Democrat, but because they are discerning the will of God in Scripture.”
This final thesis offers a way forward: biblical discernment rather than political alignment. Sometimes this will lead to positions that look “conservative,” sometimes “liberal”, but the motivation must always be faithfulness to Scripture, not partisan loyalty.
The Urgent Need for Theological Clarity
Why do these theses matter so urgently for American evangelicals today? Because Christian nationalism isn’t just a political problem, it’s a theological crisis that strikes at the heart of the gospel itself. When we confuse America’s success with God’s kingdom, we don’t just damage our political witness; we fundamentally distort the message of Jesus.
The stakes couldn’t be higher. As Gorman warns, we risk preaching “a different gospel and a different Jesus.” We risk turning the church into a political action committee rather than a community of reconciliation. We risk replacing the power of the cross with the power of the sword.
A Choice Before Us
American evangelicals stand at a crossroads. We can continue down the path of Christian nationalism, wrapping our faith ever more tightly around political power and national identity. Or we can rediscover the radical, boundary-crossing, power-inverting gospel of Jesus Christ, a gospel that calls us to an alternative way of being human that transcends all earthly kingdoms.
The choice we make will determine not just our political influence but our spiritual integrity. Will we be known as the people who confused Caesar’s throne with Christ’s kingdom? Or will we be known as those who, like our Lord, insisted: “My kingdom is not of this world”?
Gorman’s theses aren’t just theological abstractions, they’re a prophetic call to repentance and renewal. The question is: will we have ears to hear?
The original 10 theses were shared by Michael Gorman on Facebook as “a set of starter theological affirmations for an alternative turning point.” They deserve our careful consideration, prayerful reflection, and courageous application.